Joint Base Lewis-McChord is the largest military installation in WA-10. About 40,000 active-duty service members are stationed there. About 60,000 family members live in the surrounding area. The groundwater under that base is contaminated with PFAS chemicals from decades of firefighting foam, a plume documented by the U.S. Geological Survey and the Washington Department of Ecology. Lakewood Water District has sued the Department of Defense for $377 million in projected cleanup costs. Strickland represents these families. She also sits on the committee that writes the defense bill that decides whether the Army has to clean its mess up. 53 Source: See the linked receipts below.
On December 10, 2025, she voted YEA on the FY2026 National Defense Authorization Act conference report. House Roll Call Vote #320. The bill passed 312 to 112. The vote is on clerk.house.gov.
According to Environmental Working Group analyses published in August 2025 and December 2025, that bill reopened Department of Defense authority to purchase PFAS-containing firefighting foam, reversing prior restrictions, and cut contaminated-site cleanup funding by $186.4 million compared to FY2024 levels. PFAS has been detected at hundreds of military installations. More than 30 DoD sites still serve drinking water above EPA health limits. 2 Source: See the linked receipts below.
The same defense contractors that lobby Congress on that bill help fund her campaign. The Federal Election Commission Schedule A filings for Strickland for Washington, committee ID C00732826, show $73,250 in 2024-cycle contributions from the Defense Big Six plus SpaceX and Blue Origin. 1 Source: See the linked receipts below.
Boeing PAC: $10,000 across 10 transactions. Honeywell International PAC: $10,000 across 5. Northrop Grumman PAC: $10,000 across 4. Caterpillar CATPAC: $10,000 across 2. SpaceX PAC: $11,000 across 2 cycles. Raytheon Technologies PAC: $6,000 across 6. Blue Origin LLC PAC: $6,000 across 3. General Dynamics PAC: $5,500 across 4. Lockheed Martin Employees PAC: $5,000 across 5. Each PAC is searchable on fec.gov by committee ID, all linked in the receipts. 41 Source: See the linked receipts below.
Boeing leads the relationship density. Ten separate transactions in one cycle is the most transaction-intensive defense PAC relationship in her filings. Steady, not concentrated. Boeing is also Washington state's largest defense employer and a major HASC contractor on the KC-46 tanker, CH-47 Chinook, and F/A-18 program lines.
Two more contractors with direct HASC business are in the file. Microsoft via MSVPAC ($5,000) plus President Brad Smith personally ($6,600) totals $11,600. Amazon via the Amazon PAC ($5,000) plus then-General Counsel David Zapolsky ($7,000) plus other Amazon employees ($1,250) totals more than $13,250. Both companies hold contracts under DoD's Joint Warfighting Cloud Capability award, which HASC oversees. Hunt Companies' chairman gave $8,000 across three cycles. Hunt operates privatized military housing at JBLM under HASC-supervised Military Housing Privatization Initiative contracts. 65 Source: See the linked receipts below.
“On the same calendar day she voted YEA on the defense bill, a Strickland household member sold defense-contractor stock.”
On the same December 10, 2025 the NDAA vote happened, a Strickland household member listed in House Periodic Transaction Reports as William L Jews sold CACI International common stock in the $15,000 to $50,000 disclosure band. CACI is a federal IT defense contractor directly affected by NDAA authorizations. The STOCK Act of 2012 requires disclosure within 45 days. The disclosure was filed. The trade is lawful. The same-calendar-day proximity to a vote on the contractor's regulatory environment is what the campaign warehouse flags as a pattern, not a violation. 7 Source: See the linked receipts below.
Strickland has had the lever on PFAS at JBLM specifically. HASC members can offer amendments at markup. They can demand section-by-section accountability hearings. They can attach conditions to procurement authorization requiring the Army to fund cleanup. A congress.gov search of legislation sponsored by member ID S001159 returns no Strickland floor amendment, no markup amendment, and no standalone bill targeting JBLM PFAS remediation during her five years on the committee. The search link is in the receipts. Run it yourself.
The same is true on military housing. Hunt operates JBLM family housing. Hunt's chairman funds her campaign. HASC oversees Hunt's contract. Military families have filed persistent maintenance, mold, and habitability complaints against Hunt across multiple years. Strickland's BAH Restoration Act is a real bill; her public housing-affordability appearances are documented. None of that public record includes an amendment or bill specifically targeting accountability for the Hunt JBLM operation.
What would change this story. A documented Strickland markup amendment opposing the FY2026 NDAA PFAS provisions, surfaced from the Congressional Record or HASC committee files, would weaken the 'sat on the committee and did not use it' framing. A Hunt-specific habitability investigation pushed publicly by her office would weaken the privatized-housing critique. Direct bill-text confirmation of the EWG-reported PFAS interpretation, independent of EWG, would support a future source upgrade. None of those three have surfaced. The campaign is publicly inviting the office to provide them.
The accountability question is simple. Forty thousand active-duty service members at JBLM drink water from wells the Army contaminated. Sixty thousand of their family members live on the same plume. A House member on the Armed Services Committee writes the bill that decides whether the Army has to clean up. The same nine contractors who lobby that committee put $73,250 into her campaign in one cycle. Another $24,000-plus came in from Microsoft, Amazon, and Hunt through HASC-relevant channels. She voted YEA on the defense bill on the same day a household member sold defense contractor stock. She filed no floor amendment, no markup amendment, and no standalone bill for JBLM PFAS in five years on the committee. Every line above is in the public record. So is the distance between them. The families on the plume drink the difference. 51627 Source: See the linked receipts below.